Rand. de Glanvlle gave the impropriation -to his Abbey at Leiston, and his Lordship was divided among his descendants. King Henry VIII. granted it to Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk.
This Lordship belonged to Roger de Glanville (whom Page calls Earl of Suffolk). In the 10th of John, his Countess Gundreda, relict of Bigod, Earl of Norfolk, sued Robert de Creke for a reasonable dower in a free tenement, etc., her late husband's Roger Glanville's in Yoxford and Bacton. in Suffolk. Sir Robert de Creke had married the daughter and heiress of the Glanvilles. Roger de Glanville granted the advowson of the parish church to Leiston Abbey, which had been founded by his brother the celebrated Chief Justice. The family of De Creke took their name from North Creak, Norfolk, where they were Lords and always resided. Sir Robert de Creke greatly augmented his estate by his marriage with the Glanville heiress, by whom he had a son Bartholomew, probably named after Bartholomew de Glanville. In the time of Henry III. this Bartholomew gave lands to the monastery of St. Osyth in Essex, to pray for the soul of his ancestor Hervey de Glanville.
This inheritance also passed to the De Crekes, whose representative William de Pirnho released to Roger Bigod certain rights of fishery, and the Earl in return granted him a fishery from Bungay Bridge to the Earls Vineyard.
The Pirnho family obtained this Lordship on the marriage of the said William de Pirnho with an heiress of the Crekes (?).
In the Lordships of Ilkelsal, the churches belonging to these several parishes were impropriated to the Monastery at Bungay, which had been founded by Roger de Glanville and his Countess.
In the year 1147 a large fleet [fn 27] was equipped at Dartmouth, numbering 164 vessels, and manned by English, Germans, and Flemings, commanded by Count Arnold de Arscot "nepote Godefridi," Christian de Gistellis, the leader of the Flemings and men of Boulogne, and Hervey de Glanville, who commanded the men of Norfolk and Suffolk, Simon Dorobernens, and Andrew, who led the men of London, and Saher de Arcellis. Before they set out on their journey articles were drawn up that they all should formally agree to observe concord and friendship, religion and morality. On the 23rd of May 1147, they set sail from England, and two days later the fleet passed Brittany. The next day, the 27th, they hove in sight of the Pyrenees, and on the 29th of the same month the fleet experienced a dreadful storm, "Auditae sunt interim Syrenes, horribilis Sonitus prius cum luctu postea cum risu et cachinno quasi insultantium castrorum clamoribus," they then made for San Salvadore in Spain, which they reached on Ascension Day, and from thence proceeded to Ravadeo, thence to Cape Ortegal, and Ferrol, arriving on the 7th June 1147 at the mouth of the Tambre, the fleet proceeded to the Island of Flamba, and to the mouths of the Rivers Minho, Cavado, Cive, and another river not named, and at last arrived at the City of Oporto. The Crusaders received a fitting welcome from the Bishop of that city, and King Alfonso addressed a letter to him concerning them on June 16, 1147. On the 17th the Crusaders from all the ships assembled, and listened to a sermon preached by the Bishop, the words of the text being - "Beata gens cujus est dominus Deus ejus populus quem elegit in haereditatem suam sibi" (Psalm xxxiii. 12). The Pilgrims waited ten days for the Count of Aerschot, and on the 26th of June again set sail and made for the Island of Phoenix (Peniche), which they reached on the 27th, near which are two islands called Baleugas. Between the Island of Phoenix and Oporto are rivers and castles. On 28th June the fleet sailed from Peniche and arrived at Lisbon. The tract then goes on to describe Lisbon (inhabited as it was then by the Saracens), and Cintra, the population, religious liberty, and the Christian remains in that city. On the 28th of June, Arnold, Count of Aerscot, Christian de Gistellis, Hervey de Glanville with the men of Norfolk and Suffolk, Symon Dorobernens, and Andrew with the men of London, and Saher de Arcellis, landed with the men from the fleet and at once attacked the City of Lisbon, afterwards encamping close to the suburbs. On the 29th the Moorish King sent Ambassadors to treat with the Crusaders, who held a council before sitting down to their meal (dinner); whilst they were at their repast, the Flemings agreed to join Alphonso; William Vitulus (Calf) opposed the proposals made by the Ambassadors of the Moorish King, and induced the majority to unite against him. Then Hervey de Glanville stood up and made the following speech:-
The Archbishop of Braga then addressed the people, and the Saracens in a long speech answered him; upon which the Bishop of Oporto challenged the Moors to fight; then the soldiers, under Hervey de Glanville, Saher de Arcellis, Count Arnold de Aerscot, and the other commanders, attacked the- suburb, and, after a time, were successful in their endeavours to capture it, and made their camp for the night in a cemetery. On the following morning, the 1st July 1147, the Moors renewed with vigour the battle, but were repulsed and driven back into their city. Sundry other attacks were made by them, and they took every opportunity of insulting the Christian army. Two churches were built in the suburbs for the use of the Pilgrims. About the 15th, the Pilgrims commenced to build machines in order to use them against the walls of Lisbon. Between August 3rd and 15th the engines of the Germans and Flemings were burnt, whilst those of the English being imbedded in the sands suffered the same fate. The Germans commenced a mine which much dismayed the Moors. Letters were sent to the King of Evora, who answered them, and also gave orders that his own forces should be dismissed. In the next engagement between the English and Normans with the Moors at Elmanda, five men were taken prisoners by the latter. The mines were now extended, and new engines were made, and in September the English built a great tower. A famine took place in the city, and on the 16th October a breach was made in the walls by the Germans, but they were repulsed. On the 19th the English tower was completed, and blessed by the Archbishop of Braga, on which occasion a certain priest preached a sermon from Romans xiii. 7. After this the tower was advanced to the walls, and on the 20th the engine was brought up against one of the towers of that city, the defenders of which were driven by our men from the wall. In the night the Moors tried to set it on fire, with seven men of Ipswich in a "Welsh Cat" for the second time our engine was flooded, and the Germans deserted the English. Now the Britons advanced their machine nearer to the wall, and also brought out their bridge, and whilst they were in the act of throwing it from their tower to the wall, the Moors begged a truce, which was granted them, and hostages given by the Moors.
"Advocate itaque Frinando captivo ex parte regis, Hervaeo de Glanvilla ex nostris partibus datae sunt induciae acceptis inde obsidibus quinque ne machinas nostras noctu impedirent vel sibi aliquid interim nostri detrimento repararent; noctuque insuper deliberandum, ut in crastino civitatem nobis traderent, si sic apud eos deliberatum foret; sin aliter armis experiri caetera. Frinandus vero captivus et Hervaeus de Glanvilla cum jam fere esset noctis vigilia prima acceptis obsidibus eos regi tradunt quod ferae maximum discordiae seminarium fuerat quod non nostris eos tradidissent. Nam existimabant proditionem per hos a rege, nam, moris sui erat velle fieri Frinandum captivum et Hervaeum de Glanvilla in hoc succensentes."
On the 22nd October the Moors capitulated, at which their old enemy King Alphonso was dismayed. A priest from the city of Bristol rebelled, and raised a mutiny against Hervey de Glanville. After this the King deliberated with the "two hostages."
The Count of Aerschot insisted upon having the Alcaide's mare, which he seized. The Germans again rebelled; but on the 23rd arrangements were made as to the plunder of the city, and all the forces did fealty to the King; with regard to the division of the spoils, the conduct of the Flemings and Germans was most greedy, and they endeavoured to plunder the city, and ill-treat the inhabitants. The Flemish nobles under the Earls Aerescot and Christian were ashamed at the conduct of their people, and the cruelties they had inflicted upon their enemies. On the 29th October, 1147, the Moors departed from Lisbon, and Gilbert of Hastings was made Bishop of that city. In November a severe pestilence broke out among the Moors. The MS. here ends with the gratitude of the Pilgrims, and an account of their reflections, etc.
In the year 1150, when William Martel, sewer to King Stephen, was sent to the city of Norwich, as the King's Deputy and Judge, he, according to his commands, summoned the chief barons and knights of Norfolk and Suffolk, to attend him in the name of the King, at Norwich, for the purpose of discussing certain affairs of the kingdom, and, on the appointed day, the barons and knights that had been summoned, presented themselves in the Bishop's garden. Amongst those who were present was William, Bishop of Norwich; Nigel, Bishop of Ely; Ording, Abbot of St. Edmund; Walter, Abbot of Holm; etc. Then two gentlemen, named Jordan de Blosseville, and Richard de Waldar, brought in a youth named Herbert, and, placing him in their midst, told the assembled lords that the boy had informed the King that during last year he was servant to Sir Robert Fitz Gilbert; that when the King's enemies held the Castle of Bedford against him, Sir Ralph de Alstead and his brother Roger were the King's enemies, and had conspired to deliver up the keys to his foes, or murder him, and that the said Ralph de Alstead and his brother Roger came privately out of the city into the King's army, and changed horses, shields, and saddles with Sir Robert Fitz Gilbert and Sir Adam de Hornyngsheth, in order to put their wicked designs into force, and the youth Herbert was there before them ready to prove this, for which cause King Stephen had sent William Martel, his sewer, to hear the matter, that the two knights might be lawfully heard and judged by their county.
As soon as the Abbot of St. Edmund's Bury heard this accusation against Sir Ralph and his brother, he stood up and told the assembled Barons that these were two of his knights, and were men of the Blessed St. Edmund, and therefore could not be brought or made to answer in this place or city, but in the Court of St. Edmund at Bury. He then appealed to all the bishops, abbots, knights, and gentlemen that they would grant a respite until he had talked with the King, which was granted him. The Abbot and his train went to Stephen and showed him their charters and privileges, upon which the King answered, told them that all justice originally belonged to the county and court there, and therefore sent them back to the council, saying, whatever was done by them he would stand by. Returning to Norwich, they produced their charters and liberties to the council, upon which sir Hervey de Glanville rose and made a speech in the assembly, telling them that he was a very old man, having constantly attended the County and Hundred Court for above fifty years with his father, before and after he was knighted, as they all knew; and he assured them, that in the time of Henry I., when justice and equity, peace and fidelity, flourished in England, though now, alas! war silenced justice and law, he remembered a question of the like nature concerning the liberties of St. Edmund, and they then all arose in the Shire-mote, and the Abbot had it then allowed, that all pleas, suits, and actions of whatsoever nature concerning any person in the liberties of St. Edmund, except the plea of murder, or treason, found belonging to the Court of St. Edmund, and were to be tried either by the Abbot, or his steward, or other officer. Upon which the bishops and barons present, with the consent of Roger Gulafer, William de Frechnie, sheriffs, and also of Hervie son of Hervie (de GlanviUe), Robert de Glanville, and others, presented the liberties to be good, and delivered their testimony of it to William Martel, who notified it to the King, who confirmed it, and appointed a day for the cause. [fn 28]
When Bartholomew de Glanvill confirmed his father's gifts to Bromholm, and also added to them himself, Hervey de Glanville, with his son Ranulph - afterwards the famous Lord Chief Justice of England - were witnesses.
Lord Hervey, Bishop of Bath and Wells, in his most interesting "History of the Family of Hervey," page 830, infers that Hervey de Glanville was connected with "Herveus, Bituricensis, i.e. Berri," and that "Hervey of Stanton" and"Hervey of Pakenham" were related to Hervey de Glanville. There is no doubt some relationship did exist, although mystery seems to hang over the subject. It is remarkable that the Glanvilles held lands in the same hundreds as "Herveus Bituricensis" at the Survey.
He was one of the seventy proprietors among whom the whole county of Suffolk was divided. The Glanvilles held lands in Stow, Bosmere, Plomesgate, Cariford, Willford, Dallinghoo, the Bishop's Hundred, and Loes; so did he. The localities, the name, all lead me to think that the Bishop is correct in his theory. If such be the case, Hervey de Glanville was descended, through the said "Hervey of Berri, " from Giselbert, Count of Chalons, and Duke of Burgundy, A..D. 921, and his wife Ermengard, daughter of Richard, Duke of Burgundy. There is a constant connection traceable between the Herveys, Clares, Valoins, and Glanvilles, but, owing to the fact that there is still a link missing, to make the chain complete, the relationship must be one of surmise only. The family of Butler, Earls of Ormonde, likewise deduce their descent from the same Hervey, and it is a curious fact that that family still bear the ancient arms of the Glanvilles.
Sir Hervey de Glanville married the Lady Matilda and had issue by her - Ranulph de Glanville, Lord Chief Justice of England; Gina de Glanville; Alicia de Glanville; William de Glanville; Robert de Glanville; Roger de Glanville; Alexander de Glanville; Hervey de Glanville; Stephen de Glanville; Gilbert de Glanville; Adam de Glanville.
His name first appears as a witness with his father, to the deed of confirmation of Bartholomew de Glanville, to Bromholm Priory, Norfolk. His first appearance in public life is doubtful, but probably he filled some office in the Exchequer. Glanville was in company with several of the Chief Justiciars, at times, assisting them in the Aula Regis, and accompanying them in the campaigns.
He inherited considerable estates from his father, and obtained a large dowry with his wife, portion of these being situated in Yorkshire, his chief residence being at Richmond Castle, which honour he held of the King in capite. In the reign of Stephen he was receiver of the forfeited Earldom of Conan, and collector of the Crown rents in the counties of Yorkshire and Westmorland. In 1164 he was Sheriff of Warwick and Leicester, and also in the same year joint Sheriff of Yorkshire with Robert de Stuteville; after this he held the same office alone, to the beginning of the reign of Richard I. In the year 1174, July 11th, De Glanville, says Lord Campbell, conferred greater glory on his country than any Englishman before or since, holding a merely civil office. Henry II. being hard pressed in his continental dominions by the unnatural alliance between his rebellious sons and Louis VII., the Scots, under their King, William the Lion, invaded England, and committed cruel ravages in the northern counties. Being stopped on the banks of the Tyne, by the obstinate defence of the Castle of Prudhoe, Geoffrey, Bishop of Lincoln, the King's son, by the Fair Rosamond, collected a large army to encounter them. At his approach they retreated to the north, and he, thinking that they had recrossed the Tweed, marched back to his see, singing the Te Deum, and celebrating very boastfully the supposed success which he had gained. The King of Scots, however, took several, strong castles in Northumberland, which had at first withstood his assault, and laid siege to Alnwick, with his regular forces, sending skirmishing parties even beyond the Tyne and the Tees, to collect provisions and levy contributions. One of these, commanded by Duncan, Earl of Fife, surprised the town of Warkworth, which they burned to the ground, massacring all the inhabitants without distinction of age or sex, and not sparing even those who had taken sanctuary in the churches and convents. Ranulph de Glanville, the Sheriff of Yorkshire, hearing of these excesses, without waiting for orders from the Government, issued a proclamation for raising the posse comitatus, and all classes of the inhabitants flocked eagerly to his standard. With a body of horse, in which were about 400 knights, after a hard day's march, he arrived at Newcastle. There Glanville was told that William the Lion, instead of repressing, encouraged the devastation committed by the marauders, and believing that there was no longer any army to face him, entirely neglected all the usual precautions of military discipline. The gallant Sheriff resolved to push forward next morning, in the hope of relieving Alnwick, and surprising the besiegers, and was accompanied by B. Baliol, de Umfreville, de Stuteville, and Vesci. The English accordingly began their march at break of day, and though loaded with heavy armour, in five hours had proceeded nearly thirty miles from Newcastle. As they were then traversing a wild heath among the Cheviot Hills, they were enveloped in a thick fog, and the advice was given that they should try to find their way back to Newcastle; but Glanville, rather than stain his character with the infamy of such a flight, resolved to proceed at all hazards, and his men gallantly followed him. They proceeded some miles in darkness, being guided by a mountain stream, which they thought must conduct them to the level country. Suddenly the mist dispersed, and they saw before them in near view the Castle of Alnwick beleaguered by straggling bands of Scots, and the Scottish King amidst a small troop of horsemen diverting himself with the exercises of chivalry, free from any apprehensions of danger. William at first mistook the English for a party of his own countrymen, returning with the spoils of a foray. Perceiving his error, he was undismayed, and calling out, "Noo it will be seen whilk be true knichts," he instantly charged the enemy. In a few minutes he was unhorsed, and made prisoner. Some of his nobles coming to the rescue, and finding their efforts ineffectual, voluntarily threw themselves into the hands of the English, that they might be partakers in the calamity of their sovereign. Glanville, prudently considering that he might be endangered by the reassembling of the scattered bands of the Scots, immediately set off with his prisoners for Newcastle, and arrived there the same evening. Thus did the valiant civilian in one day, after the fatigue of a long march, ride at the head of a band of heavy armed horse above seventy miles, charge a national army, and make captive a King who had threatened to carry war and desolation into the heart of England. Having secured his royal prize in the strong castle of Richmond, he sent off a messenger to London to announce his victory. It so happened that, the same hour at which William was taken at Alnwick, Henry had been doing penance at the tomb of St. Thomas of Canterbury. . . . He then journeyed to Westminster; and he was lying in bed, very sick from the penance he had undergone, when, in the dead of night, a messenger, stained with the soil of many counties, arrived at the palace, and, declaring that he was the bearer of important despatches, swore that he must see the King The warder at the gate, and the page at the door of the bedchamber, in vain opposed his entrance, and, bursting in, he announced himself as the servant of Count Ranulph de Glanville. The question being asked, "Is all well with your master ?" he answered, "All is well, and he has now in his custody your enemy, the King of Scots." "Repeat those words," cried Henry in a transport of joy. The messenger then and there delivered his despatches. Henry, having read them, was eager to communicate the glad tidings to his courtiers, and expressing gratitude to Glanville, piously remarked that the glorious event was to be ascribed to a higher Power, for it had happened while he was recumbent at the shrine of St. Becket. Henry immediately ordered Glanville to carry his royal prisoner to Falaise, in Normandy, where he was kept in strict custody until he acknowledged himself the liegeman of the English King. [fn 31] Upon this acknowledgment, although nullified by Richard I., Edward I. founded his claim to interfere in the nomination of a King to the Scottish throne. For this most important service Glanville was immediately made a Justiciary to assist the great officers of the Crown in the Aula Regis and to go circuit for dealing out justice in different counties, in thirteen of which his pleas are recorded.
In the year 1176, Glanville was sent as Ambassador to the Count of Flanders on State matters; and having now gained the entire confidence of the King, he gradually acquired more influence than any other Minister. The domestic comfort of Henry's palace was broken by his own foolish and unnatural conduct towards his Queen. Eleanor, who had brought him such a rich dowry, now repented of her marriage. One can hardly wonder at the line of conduct she pursued with regard to the unfriendly and hostile feelings that existed between the King and his sons. Henry could not possibly claim his wife's sympathy, considering his affections had been taken from her and given to other women. Eleanor's power, no doubt, was so great, that, for the benefit of the State,he was compelled to confine her in the Castle of Winchester, and he appointed Glanville her custodian, which charge he faithfully fulfilled for sixteen years, until the death of the King and the accession of Richard I., whose first act was to release his mother. In the year 1180, Ranulph de Glanville, with universal applause, was appointed Lord Chief Justice of England, with sole and undivided sway. He is the first who filled it, says Campbell, "who is celebrated for learning, impartiality, and other qualities, equally judicial." Under him the Aula Regis deserved the praise bestowed upon it by Peter de Bois in a letter to the King: "If causes are tried in the presence of your highness, or your Chief Justiciary, then neither gifts nor partiality are admitted, then all things proceed according to the rules of judgment and justice, nor does ever the sentence or decree transgress the limits of equity. But the great men of your, kingdom, though full of enmity against each other, unite to prevent the complaints of the people against the exactions of the sheriffs, or other officers, in any inferior jurisdiction, whom they have recommended and patronised, from coming to your Royal ears. The combination of these magnates can only be truly compared to the conjunction of scales on the back of the Behemoth of the Scriptures, which fold over each other and form, by .their closeness, an impenetrable defence."
The Council of Northampton, in 1176, divided the country into six circuits, of which one was appropriated to him, and in 1179, at the Council held at Windsor, it rearranged the kingdom, for judicial purposes, into four divisions. Although most of his brethren were removed, Glanville's capacity was so conspicuous, and his integrity so unblemished, that he was not only reappointed to act in one of them, but was amongst those specially selected to hear the complaints of the people in the Aula Regis at Westminster. Considering this, and his universally acknowledged high principles, it cannot be believed that, as the historian says, in 1184, he, as Lord Chief Justice, presided at the Aula Regis held in the city of Worcester, when Sir Gilbert de Plumpton, a knight of noble birth, and also very powerful, was brought in chains before Glanville on a charge of rape, who sentenced him to be hanged. "When Plumpton was being led forth to execution a tumult was raised, the people were heard shouting that innocent blood was about to be shed; whereupon Bishop Baldwin was informed of what had occurred, and he immediately hastened to the spot. The man was already suspended. The Bishop shouted, "In the name of Almighty God, and under pain of excommunication, I forbid you to put that man to death on this the Lord's Day and the Feast of St. Mary Magdalene." The executioners were astonished; they feared on the one hand the King's anger if his commands were not obeyed, and on the other the Bishop's excommunication. But the rope was loosed, the man was not dead; he revived. During the night the King was moved with pity, and the condemned man, whose execution the Bishop could not delay till the morrow, was respited." This story is connected with what is now generally regarded as a libel against that great and good man Ranulph de Glanville. He is stated by Hoveden to have procured the condemnation of Gilbert de Plumpton, from interested motives, on a false charge. Not only is the ferocity of the proceeding contrary to Glanville's general character, but his impunity, under the circumstance, would be unaccountable. If Glanville was the author, as is generally supposed, of the "Tractatus de Legibus et Consuetudinibus regni Angliae," he would hardly have ventured to say as he does, that in Henry II.'s reign, none of the judges have so hardened a front, or so rash a presumption, as to dare to deviate, however slightly, from the path of justice, or to utter a sentence in any measure contrary to the truth. [fn 32] If he were not the author, the argument in his favour is even stronger, for no one would have dared to say this if the public could have refuted the assertion at once by pointing to the chief justiciary. Moreover he would have owned his disgrace to Baldwin, and they could have hardly continued in friendship; but not only was Ranulph the companion of Baldwin to the Crusade, he also attended him during some part of his progress through Wales. [fn 33]
Sir Gilbert de Plumpton, though he escaped with his life, suffered imprisonment to the end of his days.
In the year 1180, Glanville drew up in Latin "A Treatise on the Laws and Customs of the Kingdom of England," which to this day is, in some points, an authority. "This author," Lord Campbell says, "is to be considered the father of the English jurisprudence. Glanville actually details to us the practice of Aula Regis in which he presided, furnishes us with a copious supply of precedent of writs and other procedure in use, and explains with much precision the distinctions and subtleties of the system, which, in the fifth Norman reign, nearly superseded the simple juridical institutions of our Anglo-Saxon ancestors. It is said that Glanville drew up this compendium of the laws of England for the public use by the command of Henry II. It remained in MS. until the year 1554, when it was first printed at the instance of Sir William Stanford, a grave and learned judge of the Court of Common Pleas."
The authorship of this legal work has been claimed by the Scotch, but upon no foundation worthy of record. I have not taken upon myself the burden of disproving their claims. The matter has been taken in hand by far abler persons, and I feel quite content to give their opinions upon our neighbours' claims. Lord Coke says, "In token of my thankfulness to that worthy judge (Glanville) for the fruit which I confess myself to have reaped out of the fair fields of his labours, I will, for the honour of him and of his name and posterity which remain to this day, impart and publish to all future and succeeding ages what I have found of great antiquity and of undoubted verity."
Dr. Robinson, in his "History of Charles V.," writes, "But in no country of Europe was there at any time any collection of customs, nor had any attempt been made to render law fixed. The first undertaking of that kind was by Glanville, Lord Chief Justice of England, in his "Tractatus de Legibus et Consuetudinibus Angliae." The Regiam Majestatem in Scotland, ascribed to David I., seems to be an imitation, and a servile one, of Glanville. Several Scottish antiquaries, under the influence of that pious credulity which disposes men to assent without hesitation to whatever they deem for the honour of their native country, contend zealously that the Regiam Majestatem is a production prior to the treatise of Glanville; and have brought themselves to believe that a nation in a superior state of improvement, borrowed its laws and institutions from one considerably less advanced in its political progress. The internal evidence (were it in my province to examine it) by which this theory might be refuted is in my opinion decisive. The external circumstances which have seduced Scottish authors into this mistake have been explained with so much precision and candour by Sir David Dalrymple, in his "Examination of some of the Arguments for the high Antiquity of Regiam Majestatem," Edinburgh, 1769, 4to, that it is to be hoped the controversy will not be again revived." Lord Campbell remarks that those persons "who attempt to deprive Glanville of the honour of the authorship, they appear to have little other reason beyond the assumed incompetency of one who was a layman and a warrior to write it, and they forget the manners of the age when they object to a grave and learned judge throwing off his robes and laying aside his pen to put on a coat of mail or to grasp a spear." [fn 34]
In 1181-2, Glanville collected a large army "Magno exercitu de Anglia" during the absence of King Henry in Normandy, and marched against the Welsh, who had made incursions across the marshes and had killed the Sheriff of Gloucestershire, R. de Poer. He drove them back into their own country, but his success did not seem to last long, for they soon returned, and a warfare was carried on between them for some time, until Glanville went again at the command of the King to negotiate with their leader. Prince Rees-ap-Griffith of South Wales, and other chiefs, for the purpose of putting an end to this war and bringing back the rebels. At the same time he also enlisted a number of the hardy mountaineers of that country to serve in the English army then at war with Philip, King of France. Sir Walter Scott gives an interesting note of the character of the Welsh soldiers, as given by Henry II. to the Emperor of Greece. "This mission," remarks Lord Campbell, "was in all respects successful; Glanville perceived, as Lord. Chatham did with respect to the Scotch Highlanders six centuries after, that the best way of preventing them from annoying England was to employ them against foreigners, and they would be faithful in proportion as they themselves were trusted." In acknowledgment of Glanville's services, civil and military, there was conferred upon him the additional dignity of DAPIFER.
In 1183 Prince John and Glanville were summoned to go into Normandy, when Prince Richard was asked to give up Aquitaine to his brother John. This he did not do, but requested time for consideration, during which he escaped and prepared for war. In the following year (1184) Glanville went to Canterbury on Henry's behalf to watch the election of the Archbishop. On his return to Windsor he delivered a speech upon the subject of his mission, and proposed that a middle course should be pursued between the King and the monks with regard to the election. His proposal the monks conditionally accepted, and an agreement was drawn up between them in writing, but when brought before the Bishops they hesitated to accept it. The Council was then adjourned to the 30th of November, when the discussion was to be re-opened again in London. On the appointed day (Nov. 30), it being the-Feast of St. Andrew, the Bishops and Monks met in London, when, after a long argument, Glanville was sent by the King to endeavour to persuade the monks of Canterbury to begin the election of their Archbishop over again. This proposal the Prior rejected, declared that the election was complete, and demanded from Glanville an interview with Henry II. This controversy went on for some time longer, but in the same year the King conformed to the wishes of the Prior, and Baldwin was elected Archbishop of Canterbury.
On the 17th February, Glanville held a council which refused to suffer the Pope's envoy to levy a contribution.
A dispute again arose between the King and the monks of Canterbury. These gentlemen, who by the bye were remarkably fond of taking care of themselves, had collected great riches from the miracles reported to have taken place at the shrine of that turbulent priest Thomas a-Becket. Henry's policy was to establish a rival foundation near Canterbury. The monks, not liking the idea of losing their monopoly, sent begging letters to the Pope (Urban III.) asking him to send King Henry a mandate ordering him to give commands that the building of this new monastery should at once be stopped. Henry, as may be well imagined, disregarded the Pope's letter, and was supported in this by Archbishop Baldwin. The Pope, not wishing to lose his hold upon the King, commanded the Abbots of Battle, Faversham, and St. Augustine to enforce the execution of his orders. The Abbots receiving this mandate from their spiritual head were about to hold a court and to issue process against all who were connected with this new foundation. Immediately Glanville heard of these proceedings, he issued a writ of pro- hibition in the following words:-
"Randulph de Glanville to the Abbot of Battle. Greeting. I command you on behalf of our Lord the King, by the allegiance you owe him and by the oath which you have sworn to him that you by no means proceed in a suit between the monks of Canterbury and the Lord Archbishop of that See, until you shall have conferred with me thereupon, and, all delay and excuses being laid aside, that you appear before me in London, on Saturday next after the Feast of St. Margaret the Virgin, there to make answer in the premises according to a precept attested by William de Glanville from the King over the water." [fn 35]
The suit having been carried on for some years, Glanville attempted again to bring about a friendly settlement of the difference, and for that purpose went to Canterbury, so that he might upon the spot better negotiate with the Sub-Prior. At the meeting which took place, the Sub-Prior said that he and his brothers much deserved the King's mercy. Glanville answered, "You yourselves will have no mercy; but from your attachment to the court of Rome, refuse to submit to the advice of your sovereign or of any other person." Sub-Prior: "Saving the interests of our monastery, and the rights of the Church, we are ready to submit to the King; but we are greatly deterred from implicitly trusting to the King by reason that he has suffered us to remain, during almost two years deprived of our possessions, and in a measure imprisoned us within our walls." Glanville: "If you doubt the King, there are Bishops and Abbots of your order, and there are Barons and Churchmen belonging to the Court, who, should you trust your cause to them, would certainly do you justice." Sub-Prior: "All these you mention are so partial on the side of the Archbishop, so complaisant to the King, and so unfriendly to us, that we do not venture to confide in their arbitration." Glanville (hastening away with much indignation) said, "You monks turn your eyes to Rome alone, and Rome will one day destroy you."
These ecclesiastical troubles were at last compromised, and peace was restored to the end of the reign of Henry II.
Et ideo vobis mando et moneo et consulo quatenus vos in hoc ita provide et sollerter et
circumspecte habeatis ne per pravitatem aut insolentiam vestram debeat status ecclesiae vestrae
turbari in quoquam et deteriorari.
Teste, HUGONE BARDULFO
Dapifero domini regis.
When King Henry invested his son Prince John with the government of Ireland, Glanville was also sent with him, and that Prince, by his charter made at Waterford, infeoffed Randulph de Glanville and Theobald Fitz Walter his nephew with five and a half cantreds in the land of Limerick, to be held by them and their heirs by the service of twenty-two knights' fees, with sac, soc, thol, theam, infangenthef and judgment or trial of water and iron, duel and combat.
In September, 1186, Glanville went as Ambassador to Philip, King of France, and negotiated with that monarch for a truce to last until January 13, 1187. In the same year he again journeyed into Wales to levy troops, and in July, 1188, we find him collecting an army of Earls, Barons, and Knights, and a large number of Welshmen, and sending them to Henry in Normandy, who was then at war with France.
In 1188, Archbishop Baldwin and Randulph de Glanville proceeded into Wales, and arriving at Radnor, they met Rhys, son of Gruffydh, Prince of South Wales, with many other nobles, there. The Archbishop preached a sermon to the assembled Lords and people upon the subject of the Crusade. The discourse was explained to the Welsh by an interpreter. After it was finished, Geraldus Cambrensis, impelled by the urgent importance, and the promises of the King, and the persuasion of the Archbishop and Glanville, arose the first, and falling down at the feet of Baldwin, devoutly took the sign of the Cross.. His example was followed by Peter, Bishop of St. David's, and then by Eineon, son of Eineon Clyd, Prince of Elven. Next day the Lord Chief Justice returned to England, and the Archbishop proceeded on his journey.
When Prince Richard determined to take the Cross and proceed to Palestine, King Henry addressed a letter to Glanville upon the subject, which is as follows:-
The King then goes on to order de Glanville to support with his assistance and advice, the messengers whom the Archbishop is sending to Canterbury, and further orders Glanville to register and seal the treasure of the Church of Canterbury, and to demand the assistance of William de Alberville, William Fitz Neal, and William Fitz Philip, concluding with the usual salutation. [fn 36]
Most men were now absorbed in the new Crusade which was preached in the year 1188. All the principal sovereigns of Europe, Spain excepted, vowed to lead their national forces against the Moors, and for the recovery of the sacred city; thousands journeyed to Palestine, at their own expense, from the ports of the Baltic, Italy, North Sea, and England.
King Henry, at a council held at Gidington, consented to levy a tax of £70,0000 on his Christian subjects, and £60,000 upon the Jews, with a view of assisting in the third Crusade now being preached. A council being held on January 30, 1189, the Archbishop of Canterbury, "by the authority of God, of the Blessed Apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, and of the Chief Pontiff, denounced excommunication against all persons who, for seven years, should begin or foment any war among Christians; and declared a plenary absolution from all sins to all persons, whether ecclesiastics or laymen, who should take the Cross." On the same day the Archbishop, and his vicar, Gilbert de Glanville, Bishop of Rochester, preached before the King and assembled Lords, the subject being "On the Mystery of the Cross," they pointing out that all those who professed to be followers of Jesus, the sin and shame it was for them to allow His sepulchre to remain in the hands of the followers of .Mahomet, that false prophet, and exhorted all, of whatever station, from the King to the meanest of his subjects, to at once assume the sign of the Cross, and join those blessed expeditions, who were now marching towards Jerusalem, by assisting in the undertaking, and to insure themselves glory in this world and eternal salvation in the next. Henry himself promised to march there as soon as he was able to leave the kingdom. But what was the astonishment, writes Lord Campbell, "of all present, when the Chief Justiciary Randulph de Glanville, known to be vigorous and energetic, but not suspected of enthusiasm, now well stricken in years, who had spent the best part of his life in studying the law and administering justice, who had a wife and many children and grandchildren, the objects of his tender attachment rose up as soon as the King had concluded his speech, and asked the Archbishop to invest him with the Cross was enlisted as a Crusader with all the vows and rites used on such a solemn occasion, so much in earnest was he that he wished forthwith to set forward for the Holy Land."
Glanville did not set out at once as he desired, weighty matters of State kept him longer in England. Prince Richard had again rebelled against his father, and had taken up the cause of Philip, King of France. The causa belli, as stated by Philip and Richard, was the refusal of Henry to deliver up Alice, sister of Philip, and the affianced bride of Prince Richard. Glanville, at the command of the King, therefore waited until tranquillity should be restored; but before this was consummated King Henry died of a broken heart at Chinon, on July 6, 1189. Glanville was present at the scene, "when on the approach of Richard blood gushed from the dead body, in token, as people said, that the son had been the murderer of his father."
The new monarch, now stung with remorse, renounced all the late companions of his youth who had so misled him, and offered to confirm all his father's councillors in their offices. This offer was firmly refused by Glanville, who had serious misgivings as to the sincerity of Richard, and who, now wearing the Cross, was bound by his vow, as well as incited by his inclination, to set forward for the recovery of Jerusalem. However, he discharged the duties of his office for some weeks till a successor might be appointed, and he attended, with the rank of Chief Justiciar, at Richard's coronation, when he exerted himself to the utmost to restrain the people from the massacre of the Jews, which disgraced that solemnity.
Some authors represent that he was deprived of his office at the death of Henry II., and obliged to pay £15,000 towards the fitting out of the expedition for the Holy Land. There is no foundation for this report, as Glanville continued in office, as is proved without doubt, until he himself set out for Palestine. [fn 37] Most likely he greatly contributed in money towards the equipment of the army. We know that Richard's first care when he landed at Portsmouth, in 1189, was to seize his father's treasury at Winchester Castle, and that Glanville gave up to the King the enormous sum of £900,000, besides jewels, etc. Glanville not only was a witness to King Henry's will, but also one of the executors appointed under it. He was likewise a witness to a Charter of Richard I. to John de Alencon in Normandy, April 11, 1190.
He afterwards travelled towards Jerusalem, in company with Baldwin, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Hubert Walter, his nephew, Bishop of Salisbury, and landed at Tyre, about Michaelmas 1190, all of them having been despatched by King Richard to assist at the siege of Acre, and having previously, according to some accounts, accompanied the King himself through France as far as Marseilles. He, and his companions, reached Acre, before which Archbishop Baldwin first fell a victim, and then, before the end of the year, R. de Glanville, but not, as sometimes stated, in the heat of battle. Glanville accumulated a very great fortune. What with the gifts he received from the King, what with the property he inherited from his father in Suffolk, and what he had received with his wife, and from his office as Lord Chief Justice, he was not only enabled to proceed to the Holy Land as a noble of the highest rank, but also to build and amply endow two monasteries and a Leper House in Suffolk, and moreover to provide for three of his daughters who had married powerful Barons. It is well known that most of the Knights that took part in the Crusades were obliged to sell portion, if not all, their property for the purpose of meeting the expenses of such an undertaking.
It was in the year 1171 that, for the glory of God, and in honour of "Our Lady," the founding of an inferior Priory of Augustinian Canons (two of whose Priors were deemed worthy to be consecrated Suffragan Bishops of Norwich) took place by Lord Chief Justice R. de Glanville, upon lands called Brockhouse, which he had received as dower with his wife. Glanville gave to the priory, as of fee, the advowsons of Parnham, Butley, Bawdesey, Wantisden, Capel, and Benhall. At the request of the founder, King Henry II. gave the Rectory of Burston in the county of Norfolk, confirmed by John of Oxford, Bishop of Norwich, and by the Archbishop of Canterbury.
The Vicar was paid 28s. 8d. by the Prior of Butley. In 1425, Reginald de Grey recovered the advowson (Winfarthing) from the Prior, and he presented a Rector. In the reign of Henry II., Hervey Walter, left the lands of, or in Wingfield, Sidsbrook, and Isted for his soul's health, and his wife Maud's, daughter of Theobald de Valoins, and for the souls of Randulph de Glanville and his wife Bertha.
Thomas de Ardern gave to the Priory of Butley the moiety of the lordship which he had inherited from his grandmother, the Lady Amabel, the second daughter of Lord Randulph de Glanville. William de Auberville and Maud de Glanville, his wife, the eldest daughter, and sister to Amabel, presented the manor of Dicklesborough to Butley Priory; and in the year 1235 William de Auberville, their son, gave to the Prior and Convent one third of the advowsons of Chatgrave, Somerton, and Upton in Norfolk, and Wantesden Capel, Benhall, Bawdesey, and Finborough, with a moiety of the Church of Glenham Parva, three parts of two carucates of land in Somerton, and two in Butley, which he had inherited from his celebrated grandfather.
Richard - Hubert - John, Archbishops of Canterbury.
Popes Alexander III. and Celestine III.
Ralph de Glanville, grandson of the founder.
Mitchell-de-la-Pole, Earl of Suffolk, 1414. King Henry VII.
The annual value of this Priory in 1534 was £318 17s. 2 1/2d., and it had property in 67 parishes in Norfolk, Suffolk, and Lincoln.
Randulph de Glanville, according to the foundation deed, assigned 20s. per annum to two persons serving God in the Church of Gedgrave in Suffolk, and by virtue of the same foundation certain alms were distributed to poor persons on seven festivals in the year amounting to £8 16s. 8d.
There was also another distribution to a different class of poor persons to the annual amount of £7 12s. 1d.
In 1540, Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, received the grant of these possessions, and in 1544, William Forth, Esq., in consideration of the sum of £910 2s. 3d.
Sciatis me dedisse et concessisse et praesenti carta confirmasse Ranulfo de Glanvilla
Manerium de Leestune cum omnibus pertinentis suis, etc., quae ad eam pertinent: et lii.
sol. quos Willielmus filius Hervei solebat reddere milli annuatim de terra de Selfleta, sibi
et haeredibus suis ad tenendum de mea et de haeredibus meis per servicium dimidii militis.
Quare volo et formiter praecipio, quod ipse Ranulfus et haeredes sui post eum omnia
praedicta habeant et teneant de me et de haeredibus meis, per nominatum servitium, bene
et in pace, libere et quiete, integre et plenarie et honorefice: in bosco et plano: in pratis
et pasturis: in aqnis et milendinis: in vivariis et stagnis: et in donationibus ecclesiarum:
et in viis et semitis, et omnibus aliis locis, et aliis rebus ad ea pertinentibus, et cum
omnibus libertatibus, et liberis consuetudenibus suis, sicut ipse dedit eis et concessi, et
hac carta mea confirmavi.
Ricardo de Luci, Hugone de Crossi.
Roberto de Stutevill.
Rogero de Stuteville.
Willielmo de Stuteville et alias Apud Westmonasterium.
(Ex Registro Prioratus de Leeston in "Bibl. Col.," fol. 33b.)
The Abbots of this house enjoyed the Manor of Leiston till the dissolution of their Order in 1536, when it was granted, on the 7th April, 1537, to Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, with all its lands in Leiston, Theberton, Darsham, Culpho Pettaugh, and Laxfield, etc., to be held of the Crown by one knight's fee.
The Abbey of Leiston was founded in the year 1182 by Ranulph de Glanville, Earl of Suffolk, for the reception of White Canons. By the foundation charter Glanville endows his Abbey with the Manor of Leiston, the gift of the King, and also increases its revenues by the advowsons of Aldringham and Leiston, which he had previously bestowed on his Priory at Butley, but which gifts the monks relinquished. R., Abbot of Leiston, who was the first Abbot, conceded to the Priory of Butley with the consent of his monks, all his rights in the Church of Knoddishall; this was confirmed by Philip, the second Abbot. Roger de Glanville granted to the Abbey, the Church of Middleton, and William de Valoins that of St. Botolph at Culpho. In addition to these the Abbey also obtained tithes or portions in the Churches of Corton, Theberton, and Kettleburgh, and many other manors and lands in different counties.
The patronage of the Abbey of Leiston descended to Maud de Glanville, whose grandson sold it to Guildo de Fevre, on whose death without heirs it went to the Crown.
"Guido de Fevre obiit sine herede per qd. maner suum de Benhall cum p'tin in Suff. una priorat': de Leiston, devenerunt Regi ut escaet: Pat. 23 Edw. III., m. 6."
In the year 1299 the Abbot of Leiston impleaded John. de Leyston, and others, for trespassing upon his manor at Leiston and driving away his hares.
In the 82nd and 83rd years of Edward I., the Abbot leased lands in Theberton to John de Leyston, and had £11, rent from estates in Knoddishall. In the sixth of Edw. II. the Abbot and convent obtained a confirmation of the Manor of Glevering Hall, in Hacheson, with estates in Estone, Wicham Pechaye, Framsdune et aliis locis granted to them by Gilbert Peche, who was himself descended from another branch of the Glanville family .(Rot. Pat. 6 Ed. II.). In the same year the Abbot obtained a charter for holding a market and fair. In 1350, Robert Ufford, Earl of Suffolk, obtained the advowson, and also Benhale, and on the extinction of the Uffords the advowson became the property of the De-la-Poles.
In 1388, King Richard II. granted to this Abbey an ample confirmation of all their rights and added the important privilege of electing their own Superior.
Abbot Huntingfeld, no doubt, was a descendant of William de Huntingfeld and Emma de Grey, granddaughter of Sir Geoffrey de Glanville. Abbot Green, the last Abbot but one, resigned his office volantarily on the 21st May, 1531, and was consecrated a hermit.
The site of the original Abbey of Leiston, as erected by Ranolph de Glanville in 1182, was eastward of the present remains and nearer the sea; but the place being found bleak and inconvenient by the monks, who were excellent judges of soil and shelter, a new spot was selected in 1362 by Robert de Ufford. The old Abbey was not entirely abandoned, but continued to be inhabited by a few of the monks till the dissolution.
Universitati vestrae notum fieri volo, me concessisse et dedisse et hac mea cartfa
confirmasse. Deo et ecclesiae S. Mariae de Leestune et canonicis ibidem Deo servientibus ecclesiam
S. Mariae de Middelune quae est de feodo meo, libere, quiete et integre, cum omnibus
pertinentibus suis in puram et perpetuam elemosinam pro salute animae meae et animae
Comitissae Gundredae uxoris meae et patris mei et matris meae et uxoris meae Christinae, et
pro salute animae Hervei fratris mei et omnium parentum meorum et amicorum.
Hujus meae concessionis et donationis Sunt testes.
Thomas Archideaconus, Magist' Reinerus.
Sir Gilbert Peche gave lands to Leyston, which Edward II., in sixth year of his reign, by Royal Charter, confirmed.
Index to Book